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From: 六合彩
Date: 07 Dec 2004
Time: 21:20:09
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From: The Hindu Online, Aug. 23, 1998
Date: 24 Aug 1998
Time: 12:25:19
Support to Taliban goes beyond ISI
Date: 24-08-1998, Pg: 14 ,Col: b
By Our Special Correspondent The Hindu Online
NEW DELHI, Aug. 23, 1998
The confrontation between the United States and the Taliban over international terrorism in Afghanistan has highlighted the student militia's clandestine links with the Pakistani Inter Services Intelligence (ISI). But the development has ignored the active support that the Taliban has drawn from the successive civilian governments in Islamabad
According to a study by the Pakistani journalist, Mr. Ahmed Rashid, the ISI was a relative latecomer in the efforts to prop up the Taliban
On the contrary, the groundwork for the Islamic militia's emergence was completed outside the ISI framework, during the regime of the former Prime Minister, Ms. Benazir Bhutto
The ISI, according to the author, who has contributed an article in a recent book on the Taliban, was in fact undergoing a major restructuring exercise between 1993 and 1994
Its pre-occupation lowered its external profile during this period. "For much of 1994, the ISI had retreated in its shell as far as Afghanistan was concerned." In fact, skeptical about the Taliban's capabilities, the ISI decided to remain on the margins even after the fall of the Kandahar to the group in 1994
The political levers at this time were firmly in the hands of Ms. Bhutto's Interior Minister, Mr. Naseerullah Babar and the radical Jamiat-e-Ulema-i-Islam, led by Maulana Fazlur Rahman. The Jamiat had decided to join Ms. Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in 1993
Mr. Babar's efforts were directed at opening a new land route to resource rich Central Asia. But turbulence in Afghanistan was a key hindrance. The Taliban was thus called in to clear military roadblocks on the way
Simultaneously, Mr. Babar's Interior Ministry opened an Afghan Trade and Development Cell as the inter-ministerial hub to prise open a land corridor to the oil and gas rich Central Asia
In tandem, the quantum of logistical and technical support to the Taliban was also stepped up. Thus, Pakistan Telecom set up a microwave telephone network for the Taliban in Kandahar and incorporated it in Pakistan's telephone grid. "Kandahar could be dialled from Pakistan as a local call using the prefix 081-the same prefix as that from Quetta." Feasibility studies for road repairs and electricity supply were also carried out in Kandahar city by the Pakistani Public Works Department. The establishment of Taliban's internal wireless network for its field commanders was aided by the paramilitary Frontier Corps
Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) and the Pakistan Air Force sent in technicians to repair Kandahar airport and the MiG fighter jets and helicopters captured by the Taliban
Pakistani efforts in support of the Taliban intensified after the capture of Herat in 1995. And in January 1996, a 10-man team led by the Director-General of the Afghan Trade and Development Cell travelled by road from Quetta to Turkmenistan
The delegation included representatives from the Departments of Civil Aviation, Pakistan Telecom, PIA, Pakistan Railways, Radio Pakistan and the National Bank of Pakistan. These Ministries and Government corporations were encouraged to fund the Taliban from their own budgets. With the fall of Kabul to the Taliban in September 1996, Pakistan said it would build a 100 km road from Chaman to Kandahar at a cost of $2.5 million
The "truck-transport smuggling mafia" based in Quetta and Chaman in Baluchistan has been one of the major supporters of the Taliban, the author says. "Made up largely of Pakistani but some Afghan Pushtuns, drawn from the same tribes as Taliban leadership and closely knitted to them through business interests and inter- marriages, this mafia had become frustrated by the warring warlords around Kandahar, who prevented the expansion of traditional smuggling between Pakistan and Afghanistan further afield into Iran and Central Asia."
The Quetta-Chaman mafia, for instance, provided the Taliban more than $ 1,50,000 a day around the time when they were preparing to attack Herat in March 1995
The Taliban influence in the Pakistani political class has taken very deep roots, the author maintains. This is mainly on account of the political clout exercised by the Jamiat-e-Ulema-i-Islam which runs a network of Madrassas, drawing Afghan refugees from camps in Baluchistan and North West Frontier province
The Jamiat's participation in the Benazir Government allowed it to establish close links with the Army, ISI, and the Interior Ministry
Maulana Fazlur Rahman became the Chairman of the National Assembly's Standing Committee for Foreign Affairs, obtaining unbridled access to world capitals. Saudi Arabia became his favourite haunt and after the visit to Pakistan by the Prince Turki al-Faisal Saud, the head of the Saudi General Intelligence Agency, Riyadh became the Taliban's principal financial backer
The Taliban's networking with the Arab Governments also took an unusual route. "Fazlur Rahman organised the first bustard hunting trips for Gulf Arab Princes to Kandahar in January and February 1995, thereby creating the first contacts between the Taliban and Arab rulers." Even after the fall of the Benazir Government in November 1996, Jamiat-e-Ulema- i-Islam has continued to exert pressure on the Nawaz Sharif Government.